This is Part 2 of a five-part series on Prime Minister Mark Carney's conflict-of-interest arrangements, the law that governs them, and the institutions that are supposed to enforce them. Part 1 examined the screen itself.

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Brookfield Corporation has not filed a single lobbying communication report with the federal government since Mark Carney was sworn in as Prime Minister on March 14, 2025.

Brookfield Asset Management has never filed one. Not a single Monthly Communication Report in the entire history of the federal lobbying registry.

The parent companies are silent. The subsidiaries are not.

Brookfield subsidiary lobbying since Carney took office

Between Carney's swearing-in and the most recent data refresh on April 6, 2026, Brookfield-related entities filed twenty-three Monthly Communication Reports with the Office of the Commissioner of Lobbying. The breakdown:

Entity	Parent	MCRs filed	Departments contacted
Westinghouse Electric Canada	Brookfield (51%) / Cameco (49%)	16	NRCan, PMO, GAC, ISED, National Defence, Finance, IGA Secretariat
Evolugen (Brookfield BRP Canada Corp.)	Brookfield Renewable	6	DFO, ECCC, NRCan, ISED, ESDC, Finance, IAA, PCO
Stripe	Independent (Carney was a board member until January 2025)	1	Finance

Brookfield Corporation's only active registration — a narrow technical file on international tax rules through Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt — generated zero communications over the same period.

The parent is quiet because the screen makes its silence necessary. The work happens at the subsidiary level, where the lobbying registry does not automatically link a company like "Westinghouse Electric Canada LLC" or "Brookfield BRP Canada Corp. DBA Evolugen" back to the Brookfield parent. A member of the public searching the registry for "Brookfield" would find an active but dormant consultant registration and nothing else. You have to know the corporate structure to find the activity.

Westinghouse lobbying surged after Carney became PM

Westinghouse Electric Canada is 51% owned by Brookfield Renewable Partners through a joint acquisition with Cameco completed in November 2023. Westinghouse makes nuclear reactors. It is the single largest asset inside Brookfield Global Transition Fund I — the fund Carney co-led as Vice Chair and Head of Transition Investing, and in which he retains carried interest vesting in 2032.

Westinghouse's lobbying intensity since Carney took office has been striking.

In the pre-Carney months of 2025 (January 1 to March 13), Westinghouse filed 3 Monthly Communication Reports. In the post-Carney months (March 14 to December 31), it filed 16. For context: Westinghouse filed 1 MCR in all of 2023 — the year Brookfield closed the acquisition — and 13 in 2024. By 2025, the pace had accelerated again.

All sixteen post-Carney communications were filed by a single lobbying firm: Sussex Strategy Group. Sussex ran a multi-consultant team on the Westinghouse file, with six registered lobbyists rotating through meetings:

Lobbyist	Background
Rémi Moreau	No prior public office
Dan Lovell	Former executive assistant to Liberal MP Vance Badawey. Subject of a 2024 Commissioner of Lobbying investigation for violating the Lobbyists' Code by lobbying his former employer
Ingrid Ravary-Konopka	Former public office holder
Teodora Durca	Former public office holder
Devin McCarthy	Managing Partner, Sussex Federal Affairs Practice. Former Privy Council Office. Named to The Hill Times' Top 100 Lobbyists of 2026
Patrick Marley (Osler)	Former Department of Finance tax policy drafter. On the separate Brookfield Corporation file, not Westinghouse

The subject matter on every Westinghouse filing falls into three streams: federal licensing for commercial nuclear technology, policy support for advanced nuclear deployment, and federal funding for nuclear energy development.

Brookfield subsidiaries lobbying the Prime Minister's Office

Two of the sixteen Westinghouse communications reached directly into the Prime Minister's Office. Both were logged on July 31, 2025.

The first, filed by Rémi Moreau, recorded contact with Joshua Swift (Policy Advisor, PMO) and Shawn Grover (Senior Policy Advisor, PMO). The subject: federal funding support for civil nuclear energy.

The second, filed the same day by Teodora Durca under a separate registration, recorded contact with the same two PMO officials — Swift and Grover — on the same subject through a parallel funding-support stream.

Two filings, two lobbyists, same day, same PMO advisors, same client. The lobbying registry records these as separate events because they come from different registrations. They represent the same company knocking on the same door.

To be clear: Carney's name does not appear on any Monthly Communication Report. The PMO officials contacted are policy advisors, not the Prime Minister. The screen is supposed to prevent Carney from participating in decisions that involve the screened entities. Whether PMO policy staff who report to Carney's Chief of Staff — who is himself one of the two screen administrators — can wall off their conversations with Westinghouse lobbyists from the Prime Minister's attention is a structural question. The registry does not answer it.

Evolugen and Brookfield's quiet clean energy lobbying

Evolugen is Brookfield's Canadian renewable energy subsidiary. It operates 33 hydroelectric plants, 4 wind farms, and various solar installations across Quebec, Ontario, and British Columbia. It is a wholly owned subsidiary of Brookfield Renewable Partners.

Unlike Westinghouse, Evolugen does its own lobbying in-house. Its active registration names four lobbyists, led by Stephen Gallagher, CEO of Brookfield Renewable (North America). The registration declares three policy streams: Fisheries Act habitat policies, non-emitting electricity deployment, and low-carbon hydrogen production.

The registration also discloses that Evolugen received $5,519,000 in funding from Natural Resources Canada in the most recent fiscal year.

Evolugen's six post-Carney communication reports show a pattern of escalating seniority. Early filings in October 2025 logged contacts with mid-level officials at Fisheries and Oceans Canada. By January 2026, a single MCR recorded meetings with eight Designated Public Office Holders simultaneously — including the Deputy Minister of Finance (Nick Leswick), two Deputy Ministers of ISED (Philip Jennings and Paul Halucha), the Interim Deputy Minister of DFO (Kaili Levesque), and an Associate Deputy Minister at NRCan (Jeff Labonté). That is a cabinet-level roundtable, not a routine meeting.

In February 2026, Evolugen logged its first contact with the Privy Council Office — a meeting with Erin Flanagan, Executive Director at PCO. The PCO is the department that directly supports the Prime Minister and Cabinet. It is also where Clerk Michael Sabia, one of the two administrators of Carney's ethics screen, sits.

The declared subject of that PCO meeting: "policies that favour the development and deployment of non-emitting electricity generation technologies in Canada."

Evolugen also lists the Prime Minister's Office among its declared target institutions on its lobbying registration, though no MCR specifically naming a PMO official has been filed.

Federal departments targeted by Brookfield subsidiaries

Taken together, the Westinghouse and Evolugen communication reports name officials at:

• Natural Resources Canada (the most frequent, across both files)
• Prime Minister's Office (Westinghouse, twice)
• Privy Council Office (Evolugen, once)
• Finance Canada (both Westinghouse and Evolugen)
• Innovation, Science and Economic Development (both)
• Fisheries and Oceans Canada (Evolugen, multiple)
• Environment and Climate Change Canada (Evolugen)
• Global Affairs Canada (Westinghouse)
• National Defence (Westinghouse)
• Intergovernmental Affairs Secretariat (Westinghouse)
• Impact Assessment Agency (Evolugen)
• Employment and Social Development Canada (Evolugen)

Twelve federal institutions. Every one of them administers policy that falls within the scope of Carney's government agenda. And every one of those policy files — nuclear energy, clean electricity, fisheries permitting, carbon pricing, trade, defence procurement — touches Brookfield's portfolio.

Under the general-application carveout described in Part 1, Carney can participate in all of these policy discussions unless they specifically and disproportionately target one of the 103 entities on his Annex A list. A nuclear energy strategy is "of general application." A clean electricity framework is "of general application." A Fisheries Act reform that affects all hydroelectric operators is "of general application."

The subsidiaries are lobbying on files where the general-application carveout lets the Prime Minister stay in the room.

What the federal lobbying registry misses about Brookfield

Canada's federal lobbying registry is, by international standards, strong. Every communication between a registered lobbyist and a Designated Public Office Holder must be disclosed within fifteen days. The data is machine-readable. The names of the officials contacted are public. Any member of the public can download the full dataset and trace who met whom, on what subject, on which date.

What the registry does not do is connect corporate ownership structures. "Westinghouse Electric Canada LLC" and "Brookfield Corporation" appear as separate clients. A search for "Brookfield" returns a dormant registration. A search for "Westinghouse" returns an active one. Nothing in the registry's interface links the two, unless you already know that Brookfield owns 51% of Westinghouse.

The same applies to Evolugen. Its registration is filed under "Brookfield BRP Canada Corp. DBA Evolugen" — so the Brookfield name does appear in the legal entity field. But the client summary page and the communication reports list "Evolugen" as the operating name. A casual search would not flag it as a Brookfield subsidiary unless you read the registration details.

This is not a design flaw in the registry. Corporations are registered as legal entities, and legal entities have their own names. But the practical effect is that the lobbying footprint of Brookfield — as an economic group, as a set of interests controlled by a common parent — is scattered across multiple registrations that the registry does not aggregate.

For a Prime Minister whose ethics screen depends on identifying when "the Companies' interests" are at stake, the fragmentation matters. The screen names 103 entities. The lobbying registry records communications by legal entity name. The two lists overlap on exactly four entries (the Section B entities in Annex A: NorthRiver Midstream, Evolugen, Brookfield LePage Johnson Controls, and Inter Pipeline). Everything else requires a human — or, in the case of the screen, Carney's Chief of Staff and the Clerk of the Privy Council — to connect the dots.

Questions for Parliament on Brookfield lobbying

The lobbying data is public. Any Member of Parliament can file an Order Paper question or a committee request based on it. Here are the questions the data raises:

On Westinghouse: The two PMO contacts on July 31, 2025 — with policy advisors Joshua Swift and Shawn Grover — occurred in a government actively pursuing nuclear energy acceleration. Was the Prime Minister briefed on the substance of those meetings? Did the screen administrators flag the Westinghouse contacts to the Ethics Commissioner? Has the Commissioner inquired about the relationship between Westinghouse's lobbying activity and the government's nuclear policy announcements?

On Evolugen: The January 2026 meeting with eight deputy ministers and senior officials, including the Deputy Minister of Finance, is unusual in its seniority for an in-house lobbying file. What was discussed? Was the meeting arranged at Evolugen's request or at the government's initiative? The $5.5 million in NRCan funding disclosed on Evolugen's registration — what programs does it flow through, and were any of those programs created or expanded under the Carney government?

On the screen's operation: Privy Council Clerk Michael Sabia told the ethics committee that the screen had been implemented six times. Do any of those six instances relate to the Westinghouse or Evolugen files? If not, on what basis were those files classified as "general application" and exempted from the screen?

On Brookfield's silence: Brookfield Corporation and Brookfield Asset Management have filed zero lobbying communications since Carney took office, despite having active registrations. Is the parent company communicating federal policy preferences to its subsidiaries through channels that do not trigger the lobbying registration threshold? Has the Commissioner of Lobbying examined whether the subsidiary-level activity represents coordinated lobbying by the Brookfield corporate group?

The data is there. Somebody has to ask.

Coming tomorrow: Part 3 — Where Brookfield Sits in Every Room

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